The aim has been to create a new student housing where there should be more togetherness between people who live in the residents. The house will have more common areas for the integration of students for a pleasant stay in Växjö. We have concentrated on finding and solving the interior design of the joint surfaces. The proposal consists of CAD- drawings.The student area is intended to be placed on the Brände udde, which is part of Campusvision 2005..

This essay seeks to analyze the consequences of modern information and communication technology for collective action within the framework of social movements. With references to the protests in Seattle 1999, the essay argues that the emergence of distributed collective action is closely related to the use of technology, for example cell phones and Internet. This distributed collective action can be characterized by its decentralized and self-organizing features, forming a global pattern emerging from local interactions. Whereas contemporary theories of collective action can be ´stretched´ to fit these aspects, they lack analytical tools to describe and analyze such systems. Further, their rejection of classical crowd theory is problematic, since it contains valuable insights.

Gavlegårdarna is in the state of an invisible dissatisfaction situation from the students on the University of Gävle.This paper shows how the students feel about their housing situation in Gavlegårdarnas student apartments. It is a basis of change that hopefully will open up Gavlegårdarnas eyes and minds for changes.In this paper we come up with solutions for Gavlegårdarna to create a more satisfying student-housing situation, for the students on Högskolan i Gävle who are situated in Gavlegårdarnas student apartments..

It has been shown in various research contexts that action programs do not always work as they should, even though there are clear guidelines on how the action programs should be designed and used. The aim of this study is to illustrate which processes that occur before an action program as well as how these processes lead to action that will give the student the support he or she needs. Through qualitative interviews with eight teachers, I have tried to answer the questions that I created. I have tried to answer my research questions that I have made based on the purpose. The questions are; What type of inquiry will be done if a student risk to not reach the knowledge goals? How will the inquiry support the action program? In what way does the action program support pupils in special needs? The result of my survey show that the survey being done for an action program is very individual-focused and that the mapping rarely shows on the teachers role or school environment to students who fall into special needs.

The purpose of this study was to examine how modern information and communication technology influence collective action within the framework of social movements. By studying the protests in the Arab World 2011, and focusing on the social movements in Suleimanya in northern Iraq, by observation taken on place, the essay discusses that collective action is closely related to the use of technology, for example cell phones and Internet.Result shows that modern communication technology has enabled immeasurable access andconnection between individuals throughout the world, which seems to be different from previouscollective action. The new communication channels in the form of social media, has been used for the dissemination of information and news, documentation, organization and membership recruitment in the social movements in the Arab World and Suleimanya. The new social movements have the tendency to be decentralized and flattened organized, they are now self-organizing and that they only do a whole as global patterns, as evidenced by the social movements in the Arab World andSuleimanya..

In this study thoughts of the individual?s right to equality are considered. By using critical ideology analysis the central tools of the study are strongly connected with thoughts of representation, equality, individual and collective rights, equal opportunities and possibilities and discrimination. In critical ideology analysis nothing can be automatically visible to us and critical ideology analysis is a method as well as a theory.A central point in this study is to investigate whether there are oppositional views or unanimity in the debate of affirmative action. The debate is still under ?construction?, which means that the debate has not yet come up with a solution to the problems of discrimination.

In this study thoughts of the individual?s right to equality are considered. By using critical ideology analysis the central tools of the study are strongly connected with thoughts of representation, equality, individual and collective rights, equal opportunities and possibilities and discrimination. In critical ideology analysis nothing can be automatically visible to us and critical ideology analysis is a method as well as a theory.A central point in this study is to investigate whether there are oppositional views or unanimity in the debate of affirmative action. The debate is still under ?construction?, which means that the debate has not yet come up with a solution to the problems of discrimination.

The purpose of this study was to examine how modern information and communication technology influence collective action within the framework of social movements. By studying the protests in the Arab World 2011, and focusing on the social movements in Suleimanya in northern Iraq, by observation taken on place, the essay discusses that collective action is closely related to the use of technology, for example cell phones and Internet.Result shows that modern communication technology has enabled immeasurable access andconnection between individuals throughout the world, which seems to be different from previouscollective action. The new communication channels in the form of social media, has been used for the dissemination of information and news, documentation, organization and membership recruitment in the social movements in the Arab World and Suleimanya. The new social movements have the tendency to be decentralized and flattened organized, they are now self-organizing and that they only do a whole as global patterns, as evidenced by the social movements in the Arab World andSuleimanya..

In this essay a social perspective on the mind is explored and argued for. The essay moves from a discussion of a social collective foundation for the individual mind to a discussion ofthe main alternative ways of describing the shared social world, namely an action-centred perspective and a power-centred perspective. It is shown that these two perspectives are combinable. A combination of the two perspectives is therefore recommended for a more balanced way of describing the shared social world. In this essay it is argued for that the individuals? mind and her identity is dependent on the surrounding community.

AbstractCities are once again becoming the locus of economic, social and political processes. The effect of these processes on the city is two-fold: one one hand they threaten to fragment and dislocate the city and the actors within them, on the other hand they give actors within cities new opportunities to react and mobilize resources towards different strategies of integration. The latter gives rise to what Patrick Le Galès calls the collective actor-city. The aim of this thesis is to explore the notion of the city as a collective actor in a swedish context by utilizing Le Galès theory of european cities as collective actors in an abductive case study on the city of Malmoe. By utilizing Le Galès five dimensions that make up a collective actor I analyze interviews conducted with city officals aswell as documents produced from the city wide plan of action Welfare for everybody.

Declining union memberships are a fact in both Sweden and Finland. At the same time, the autonomous labour market parties and the high membership rates are the most significant factors for the two countries compared to Europe and the rest of the world. These two factors have in turn been developed and strengthened since the beginning of the twentieth century. By autonomous labour market parties I refer to the fact that the labour market parties themselves through collective bargaining are agreeing on the labour market conditions, without interference from the government.This paper is therefore taking it's stance in the question of what happens with the autonomous labour market parties when the membership rates are in decline. With this in mind, this paper describes the judicial development, the collective agreement and labour market structures, the legal consequences of collective agreements and the opportunities of industrial and sympathy action in both Sweden and Finland. The two countries' systems of labour law have caught some negative attention, hence two of the most discussed cases of recent years are given some attention as well. The collective judicial conditions are very similar in both Sweden and Finland regarding the labour market main actors' collaboration, the collective agreement structures and legal consequences and the opportunities of industrial and sympathy action.

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

This essay deals with the paradox of why the immigrants in Sweden, despite their considerable size of 12 % of the population and common interest and living opportunities, haven?t mobilized politically in any significant way. The aim with this essay is to reach a theoretical understanding of why this paradox exist. By the use of a critical case and a theoretical model, based on theories of collective action, the conclusion of this essay is that, despite the fact that the immigrants have a common interest and an organizational structure, the immigrants in Sweden has not mobilized politically in any significant way. The main reason for this is that they have a weak common identity and they don?t have the structural opportunities to act..

The collective agreement contains many important provisions concerning the relationship between employers and employees. When a collective agreement applies in the workplace, both employers and employees are bound by it. However, only employers of those two, can take part in the collective agreement, and therefore negotiate the content of it.The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: Why are rules that has been interpreted in collective agreements not expressed in writing? Therefore, the Swedish collective agreement system will be examined, and a distinction between types of silent regulations will be made to find causes. The potential for workers to act on a collective agreement with quiet regulations will also be examined.Collective agreements are signed on three levels: central, union and local levels.

The study explores collective action in Sweden between 1980 to 1995 using time-series data from the European Protest and Coercion Database. In spite of severe hardship during the crisis of the early 1990s, Swedish strike-rates declined. However, contention merely shifted from workplaces into the streets; there was indeed a protest movement against austerity, as shown by a series of large demonstrations, and some riots, between 1989 and 1993. Further analysis indicates this movement faded as it was increasingly chanelled into the electoral campaign of the labor pary; having won the 1994 election, the organised labor movement no longer had an interest in sustaining the protest movement against austerity..